MINNEAPOLIS – In sentencing Derek Chauvin to 22 1/2 years in prison, the criminal justice system has shown it can act swiftly and severely when faced with aslow-motion murder of a Black man recorded by bystanders and witnessed by millions.
The question is whether the example made by Chauvin will change anything for the manymen and people of color who are disproportionately killed by police – often in an instant with inconclusive video and no witnesses.
In Chauvin’s case, the public saw a rarity as the levers of the justice system seemed to move decisively: indictment, conviction, a stiff sentence, a historic civil settlement, plus upcoming trials on federal civil rights charges and unrelated charges of tax evasion.
Theare also conducting civil rights investigations into the Minneapolis Police Department for a potential history of systemic abuses. , 46, in May 2020 after officers responded that he had used a counterfeit $20 bill. Floyd was handcuffed face-down on the street and repeatedly yelled, “I can’t breathe,” as Chauvin pressed a knee to his neck for 9 1/2 minutes.
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The egregious nature of Chauvin’s crime has led officers across the country and in his department to disavow and even testify against him. Chauvin, 45, has sat in a maximum-security prison since a jury convicted him on April 20 of second-and third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter.
At Friday’s sentencing hearing, Chauvin offered his “condolences” to the Floyd family but did not apologize for his actions. He said he was unable to speak further due to ongoing litigation.
Hennepin County District Judge Peter Cahill found that Chauvin acted with “particular cruelty” toward Floyd and abused his position of trust and authority as a Minneapolis police officer. Chauvin must register as a predatory offender and provide a DNA sample.
Under Minnesota law, Chauvin will serve two-thirds of his sentence, or 15 years, behind bars and the remainder under a supervised release similar to parole. Chauvin will get credit for the time he’s already served.
“If you want to talk real plainly, white America can keep kicking, that’s great, and that’s fine,” said St. Paul criminal and civil litigator A.L. Brown. “But at the end of the day, you aren’t going to get much more out of him than what has been placed on him. He sees a tremendous amount of accountability.
“The real question is, can we reproduce it in a way that prevents the creation of the next, who is out there wearing a badge carrying a gun, who’s in training, who’s thinking about a career in law enforcement, who’s gotten away with abuses unchecked,” Brown added. “That’s the real task. I’m over Derek Chauvin.”
Holding Chauvin accountable
Chauvin’sa series of firsts. It was Minnesota’s first state court trial to be televised in its entirety primarily due to the pandemic and garnered national and international interest. Chauvin’s murder of Floyd was also the first time throughout the country joined in protests with people of color against police brutality and systemic racism.
And the jury’s guilty verdict was the first time a whitefor murdering a Black man in Minnesota. Black men are disproportionately killed by police, which is why legal observers say holding Chauvin accountable is essential for Floyd, his family, and the community.
Theand attorneys Ben Crump, Antonio Romanucci, and Chris Stewart called the sentence a “significant step forward” in Friday’s joint statement. “This historic sentence brings the Floyd family and our nation closer to healing by delivering closure and accountability. For once, a man was held to account,” it said.
During the hearing, posed no threat anymore, yet he was handcuffed. Why, at least, didn’t you get up? Why did you stay there?”brother, Terrence Floyd, said he would ask Chauvin, who sat just several feet away from him: “Why? What were you thinking? What went through your head when your knee was on my brother’s neck? When you knew he
Terrence Floyd paused at times with emotion and looked down. He said he wanted the maximum penalty because “we don’t want to see no more slaps on the wrist” and noted that if things “were reversed, there would be no case, it’d be open and shut, we’d be in the jail for murdering somebody.”
Chauvin showed a “callous disregard for human life” and did so in front of children who will have to live with the trauma of that experience, said Nekima Levy Armstrong, a civil rights attorney and former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP. She noted that the alleged crime of providing a counterfeit $20 bill would not have even resulted in jail time.
But as necessary as it was to hold Chauvin accountable, legal observers say the unique nature of the case makes it difficult to set any real precedent. Floyd’s death has raised national awareness about systemic injustice and police brutality.
But the recent death of another Black Minneapolis man, Winston Smith Jr., showcases how Floyd’s death was an outlier. Sheriff’s deputies fatally shot him earlier this month on a U.S. Marshals task force who claimed he displayed a handgun in the moments before the shooting, despite a witness statement to the contrary. There was no bodycam footage.
Chauvin’s case was unusual, said Mary Moriarty, the former chief public defender for Hennepin County, who noted that it was not only tried by the Minnesota Attorney General’s Office with more than a dozen lawyers working pro bono and “some of the best expert witnesses I’ve ever seen,” but Chauvin has also spent 9 1/2 minutes with his knee on Floyd’s neck in a scene watched by bystanders and captured on a cellphone and bodycam video.
“This is atypical of the cases that usually involve an interaction between aand a black person,” she said. “Those often involve gunshots, and the officer would say he or she was afraid” and making a split-second decision – using language found in Constitutional law and precedent that has overwhelmingly been favorable to cops.
Still, the case does serve as a high-profile signal that law enforcement has been “put on notice” that if someone dies in your custody, the days of sweeping the death and the reputation of the deceased under the rug are over, Brown said.
Legal observers also note how unusual it is for a federal indictment to come down after a state conviction. But that may be partly to ensure Chauvin serves out his sentence concurrently and perhaps agrees as part of a plea deal not to appeal his state case, Moriarty said.
The state case against the three other former officers, Thomas Lane, J. Alexander Kueng, and Tou Thao, is expected to go to trial. Multiple legal observers noted that they have also been federally indicted, probably to place pressure on them for a plea deal and to another trial that may traumatize already traumatized witnesses.
The three other officers have been charged with aiding, abetting, and aggravating factors. They would face the same possible sentence Chauvin does if they are convicted in state court.
Does a ‘pro-police prosecution give the system a pass?
During, the prosecution repeatedly called itself a “pro-police” prosecution, clearly distinguishing between Chauvin and the rest of law enforcement. “The defendant is not on trial for being a police officer, he’s not on trial for who he was, he’s on trial for what he did,” prosecutor Steve Schleicher told jurors.
Even Friday, at Chauvin’s sentencing hearing, Matthew Frank first thanked Minneapolis police officers for sticking to their oath and speaking honestly about their jobs and training during the trial. “Being a police officer is a difficult job; we ask a lot of them… and most police officers do it right,” Frank told the court. Then he said again, “This case wasn’t about police officers… it was aboutdisregarding all that training he received and assaulting Mr. Floyd until he suffocated to death.”
Even Cahill, concluding that 270 months was an appropriate sentence for Chauvin, differentiated him from the rest of his department “because part of the Minneapolis Police Department’s mission is to give citizens’ voice and respect,'” he wrote in Friday’s sentencing memorandum. “Here, Mr. Chauvin, rather than pursuing the MPD mission, treated Mr. Floyd without respect and denied him the dignity owed to all human beings, which he certainly would have extended to a friend or neighbor.”
Moriarty said that the case also provides a blueprint for how prosecutors can successfully prosecute these cases if they want to. The strategy allows the prosecution to avoid alienating jurors who traditionally support the police.
Brown said it was “wholly unnecessary” for the prosecution to say we’re pro-police. “Who the hell is anti-police? It’s a silly notion. The notion that we have to say we’re pro-police or anti-police based on how the police treat us,” Brown said.” Any person would take offense to abuse.”
The problem with the “pro-police” tactic, said Sarah Davis, the executive director of The Legal Rights Center in Minneapolis, is that in many ways, what the prosecution ends up doing, in holding Chauvin accountable, is to relieve the rest of the criminal justice system of its accountability.
“I worry that this allows law enforcement and hold an individual officer accountable and hold the system responsible for creating such an officer.to say that’s not me. That’s not us,” Davis said. Davis said she’s unsure it’s possible to
“There’s a fundamental tension there,” Davis said. “To hold an individual police officer accountable, you must demonstrate they’re doing something outside of what the system allows. So the question, is, what does accountability look like for the system in this space?”
But Moriarty said while the Attorney General’s Office could have taken on the system, that wasn’t the best strategic choice if the goal was to convict Chauvin of the crimes he was charged with. Many people were upset about “going with the bad apple approach,” Moriarty said. But the reality is “the criminal legal system is not designed to change the system.”
Moriarty said it’s essential to look to police and prosecutors, judges, and policymakers for systemic officer presents a case rather than merely declining to file charges because the officer has a credibility problem.because “this can’t be about a criminal trial”. It has to be about how the system inherently functions. For example, prosecutors note potentially problematic bodycam behavior to supervisors when an
Chauvin has also been indicted in federal court for allegedly violating the rights of a 14-year-old boy by detaining him without justification in 2017 and placing his knee on the boy’s neck for 17 minutes, causing the teen to pass out.
“You ask yourself, what if there was some interruption in how Chauvin behaved aong. “If a prosecutor (reviewed the video and) said, ‘You know what? You’re a little out of control here. There was no need for you to do what you did.’ And if they told the police department. Then, could this have been prevented?”
The Legal Rights Center is working with other organizations to review dozens of cases Chauvin wasfor potential misconduct or other issues, said Andrew Gordon, the center’s deputy director for community legal services, during a recent virtual panel hosted.
Chauvin will likely be forgotten in three months if people had not already forgotten about the sentencing, Brown said, noting that at the end of the day, Chauvin’s successful prosecution “gives white folks the room and space to say, ‘Well, what more do you want? Do you see? The system worked.'”
Problematic jury instructions
To convict Chauvin, Cahill allowed jury instructions that “significantly” and “radically” broaden the definition of assault such that any unreasonable force constitutes assault – even if there is no intent to injure someone. And if that person dies, as a result, it comprises felony murder, said Ted Sampsell-Jones, a professor at Mitchell Hamline School of Law in neighboring St. Paul.
Those instructions are now likely to become the precedent for jury instructions in future cases, Sampsell-Jones said. “To prosecute Chauvin, thehas pushed for this broad version of felony murder doctrine, which, yes, is precedent and can be used against cops, but mostly it’s used against Black people and poor people,” Sampsell-Jones said.
Other than the state of Georgia, Minnesota has “probably the most extreme felony murder doctrine in the country,” Sampsell-Jones said, noting that this case is an incremental step toward solidifying lousy law. That law allows anyone involved in a felony to be if a death occurs during the felony, whether or not the end was intended.
But Armstrong said she was not concerned about the broadening of the language. “People of color are already subjected to harsher forms of criminal punishment for even lesser offenses than what we saw in this case,” she said.
Armstrong cited the case of Mohamed Noor, a Black former Minneapolis police officer, whoJustine Ruszcyk when she approached his squad car in the dark. He was charged with second-degree intentional murder; Chauvin was charged with second-degree unintentional murder.
Ultimately, Sampsell-Jones believes the Chauvin prosecution will go down as a mostly “symbolic victory.” He called it a possible setback for the prison population, which could grow even more because of texpandingthe definitions of crimes and punishments. And those new definitions will be used to justify harsh charges and long sentences against others.
“The win-at-all-costs mentality is understandable given the stakes, but in the long run, it can have unintended consequences,” Sampsell-Jones said. “There’s an old saying that hard cases make bad law, and it’s also true that high-profile cases make bad law.”
“Above all, he said, “convicting one individual cop is no substitute for actual legal reform.” Tami Abdollah is anational correspondent covering inequities in the criminal justice system. Send tips via @latams or email Tami(at)usatoday.com